Thomas Vladimir Brønd

By providing the conceptual framework for the contributions to this Special Issue, this article argues that impunity as an omnipresent reality in Iraq can be better understood through the twin concepts: impunity state and impunity politics. It defines impunity state as a sphere of radical security and exception from punishment, for which elite players strive, while creating insecurity for non-elite Iraqis. This state is sustained by impunity politics, i.e. the informal bargaining, negotiation, competition, and violence of elite actors to achieve and maintain impunity. The article draws on Walter Benjamin's ideas and recent advances in Critical Security Studies to show how impunity functions on a foundational level and destabilizes Eurocentric understandings of state and sovereignty in Iraq. It demonstrates how the US imposed impunity on Iraq after the invasion in the long 2003. Lastly, it highlights how each article contributes to central theme of this Special Issue.

As we have seen in Introduction by the editors, this volume is concerned with looking anew at contemporary military action or, in other words, the work of armed forces in theater. This epilogue argues for the vitality of this perspective by making fairly simple observations regarding both what is lacking in our existing knowledge and what is present and new in these collected chapters. The bottom line, which we might as well skip to now, concerns the special alchemy of the two words “mission” and “formation”. An interrogation of missions, rather than functions or ecologies, strikes me as enormously productive and is most compelling when coupled with an analytically open approach to “formations”.

The study of military action by behavioral scientists is usually constrained for reasons of difficulty getting access and doing the research on processes of action. The first part of this chapter explores several approaches to the study of combat formations. The second part presents empirical information based on the personal experiences of the author. It briefly covers four distinct case studies on the micro, meso and macro levels of operational activities. The first two case studies cover unintended formations during terror attacks; the third case study covers air–ground combat formations; the fourth case study covers ad hoc military–police formations during internal policing in the disengagement from Gaza in 2005. The chapter presents the knowledge, research design and a variety of methods that are required for the proper analysis of mission formations.

The study of military action by behavioral scientists is usually constrained for reasons of difficulty getting access and doing the research on processes of action. The first part of this chapter explores several approaches to the study of combat formations. The second part presents empirical information based on the personal experiences of the author. It briefly covers four distinct case studies on the micro, meso and macro levels of operational activities. The first two case studies cover unintended formations during terror attacks; the third case study covers air–ground combat formations; the fourth case study covers ad hoc military–police formations during internal policing in the disengagement from Gaza in 2005. The chapter presents the knowledge, research design and a variety of methods that are required for the proper analysis of mission formations.

This article focuses on overlooked revolutionary friendship as a primary vehicle of revolutionary politics. It draws on ethnographic fieldwork among revolutionaries of Syria’s peaceful protest movements. The article depicts how friendships emerge in revolutionary moments. It analyzes the experience of friendship as a primary locus for revolutionary politics and as part of social transformations, which often occur during war and revolutions. Drawing on the anthropology of friendship and social theory, I demonstrate how new zones of social gravity were created in beautiful friendships challenging the neo-liberalism and authoritarianism of Ba’athist regime and installing social change.